THE CHINESE INTELLECTUAL

By LEE GUAN KIN

A Hwa Chong Junior College Alumni seminar last Sunday, on the role of Chinese intellectuals in the 21st century, has sparked a debate on where they stand vis-a-vis intellectuals from the other language communities. Here are translations of two of the papers presented

IT IS 180 years now since Singapore came into existence in 1819, or 33 years since it became independent in 1965. Many things are still developing and their causes and results are closely acting on each other.

It is advisable to draw on the experience of the past before deciding on a future path. The purpose of looking back on the past is to transcend it.

Following this approach, I will explore the development of the roles of Chinese intellectuals, examine the situation in the colonial period and the development after Singapore's independence, and attempt to peer into the prospects for the 21st century.

What we should be concerned about are the origins of Chinese intellectuals and the nature of their roles in different historical periods of time.

What will change in future? What will become of their roles? And will their roles be carried forward into the next century or is there any breakthrough?

By Chinese intellectuals, my definition includes those who originally came from China in the colonial period, those trained in the former Chinese schools and those graduating from Special Assistance Plan (SAP) schools or other relevant schools in Singapore.

When we talk about the Chinese intellectuals, there is definitely no intention of segregating the various races, or the Chinese community itself. As the Chinese intellectuals are a historical legacy, we have to confront reality and think of ways to contribute to society.

In colonial times, Singapore's Chinese intellectuals were mainly those who came from China, with the rest being the Chinese-educated born here.

However, this situation changed gradually with time, and the situation had turned around by the time World War II broke out.

In the first half of the 19th century, a majority of the Chinese immigrating into Singapore were illiterate, and it was very difficult to produce good educated people with the backward local conditions of education.

Between the later half of the last century and the start of World War II, many Chinese intellectuals and prominent people left China for Singapore due to political reasons.

On the other hand, since China set up a consulate in Singapore in 1877, old-style private schools here underwent rapid development with active promotion by the consuls here.

The 20th century arrived and saw a boom in these new-style schools. And the number of intellectuals grew constantly.

During this period, there were a number of intellectuals who became quite outstanding -- among them businessmen, journalists, teachers and many writers and artists.

The intellectuals during this period had multiple roles including political, cultural, educational and social.

On the political stage, the Chinese intellectuals had a strong sense of suffering arising from their deep concern about the hardship in their hometowns and motherland.

When any major political events took place in China, they would lead public opinion, agitate the people's sentiments, and lead and support various movements to help China.

For example, Tan Chor Nam (1884-1971) and Teo Eng Hock (1871-1957) followed Dr Sun Yat Sen closely. They served as chairman and vice-chairman of the Singapore branch of the Chinese Alliance (or Zhongguo Tongmenghui) founded by Dr Sun. Teo even used the Sun Yat Sen Villa as a revolutionary base.

In the cultural area, Chinese intellectuals were keen to disseminate and carry forward Chinese culture. This eventually became their tradition.

For instance, Chinese consul Tso Ping Lung (1850-1924), during his office term as China's consul in Singapore, organised a literary society, Hui Xian She. He contributed through financial and other means to attract thousands of people to be involved in literary and poetic writing, thus creating an atmosphere of cultural vibrancy.

In education, the Chinese intellectuals were also active in making contributions. Those from the business circle would donate money to set up schools while those living on their pens would write articles in newspapers to promote Chinese-language education.

Some of them doubled as directors of schools and others became school principals and teachers.

Entrepreneur Lim Keng Lian (1893-1966) was one of them. He served as the education department director of the Hokkien Huay Kuan in the '30s.

He took a lead in promoting Mandarin education in the schools, in rural areas and for deaf and mute children.

In society, Chinese intellectuals took active part in the activities of local associations and societies. They lashed out at social evils of the times by way of newspaper articles and literary works, or even by launching mass movements.

Late in the 19th century, Khoo Seok Wan, for example, took up such roles as "chief butler" of the Thong Chai Hospital, secretary of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry, and so on. He was also involved in leading a reform movement to change prevailing old habits and customs.

During this period, several characteristics were shown in the roles played by Chinese intellectuals.

First, they had their own political stage and involved themselves in China's politics and the world situation.

They ran newspapers, formed political parties, and launched mass movements to mobilise the general public. By so doing, they influenced profoundly the ideology and social morals of Chinese people here.

However, their political activities were limited to those concerning China, which resulted from their political consensus and their inability to participate in political affairs in the colony.

The characteristics remained until after World War II when they took part in the anti-colonial forces, labour movement and political party activities.

Second, they played a vital role in culture and education.

They were the planters, disseminators and communicators of Chinese culture, and they promoted cultural and educational undertakings through societies, the press, schools, mass groups and so on.

From the 19th century to the '50s, Chinese newspapers in Singapore developed rapidly and the Chinese schools also grew from old-style private schools to modern primary schools, secondary schools and a university.

Their involvement in culture and education could not have gone further without support from businesses unless they themselves were businessmen and intellectuals.

Otherwise, their development would have been limited if they had had to rely on businessmen or cooperation with businessman.

THESE Chinese intellectuals were usually neither powerful nor rich, but they had knowledge, ideology and their own opinions, as well as many major features possessed by intellectuals.

They were patriotic and showed concern about current affairs and people's hardships. Furthermore, they dared to question and criticise authority.

For example, since Khoo Seok Wan immigrated into Singapore to inherit his father's enterprises, he never stopped showing concern about China's future.

He took an active part in Kang You-wei's reform movements and became a major leader among the active reformists overseas.

Another good example is Fu Wu Men (1892-1965), a former chief writer with Sin Chew Jit Poh, who was outspoken with his sentiments and opinions but had to flee China because his remarks offended those in power.

He remained unchanged in his writing style when expressing his views in Singapore.

While he wrote in support of Chiang Kai-shek, he also slammed him for his dictatorial rule.

Their behaviour might fall into the category of the so-called exiled intellectuals or peripheral intellectuals as defined by the American literary critic, Edward Said.

AROUND the time of World War II, Chinese immigrants formed only the minority among the Chinese intellectuals as many returned to China during and shortly after the conflict.

The migration from China stopped almost totally with the founding of the People's Republic.

Meanwhile, Chinese schools here also cultivated their own elites, particularly after the founding of Nantah in 1955. Hence, since independence and up to the present, Chinese intellectuals consisted mainly of educators and those in the media, with some in arts, commerce and in the government.

This era saw the group witnessing unprecedented difficulties and a shrinking environment.

First, they lost their role on the political stage. Singapore's independence and diminishing contacts with China removed the Chinese dimension altogether.

The Chinese intellectuals' failed political struggle with the English-educated intellectuals also curtailed their influence.

Mr Lim Chin Siong (1933-96) was an active politician of the '50s and '60s and played an active role in the anti-colonial struggle.

A pioneer of the People's Action Party, he enjoyed widespread support from the labour movement and was courted by the PAP's leader, Mr Lee Kuan Yew.

Mr Lim subsequently broke with Mr Lee and formed his own party. He was arrested with some other people in 1963 under the Internal Security Act.

In the early years of nation-building, the problems caused by leftist and anti-communist sentiments that swept the region served to restrict the role of Chinese intellectuals here.

In her essay, The Role Of Intellectuals In Singapore Politics in 1976, Dr Chan Heng Chee listed four roles which the intellectuals could play in politics.

They could serve as political leaders or seek to legitimise their system into the established order. Alternatively, they could serve as officials of the order or act as an independent critic. Taking into account the circumstances, the four roles were more suited to English-educated intellectuals.

Second, Chinese intellectuals have lost their role in education. Chinese education was self-sponsored during the colonial days and saw hard times, it was severely repressed during the Japanese occupation and in the post-war years.

In that environment, Chinese intellectuals played an important role in protecting Chinese education, such that by the '50s, Chinese education had evolved a complete system from kindergarten to university.

Unfortunately, political and practical realities continued to influence its fate, which saw the number of Chinese-educated falling drastically.

In the '60s, the Chinese Chamber of Commerce together with Chinese educational bodies launched a campaign to promote mother-tongue education.

This was the most active and comprehensive campaign to save Chinese education and saw sharp rhetoric from Chinese intellectuals in education, commerce and the media. Touching on rewards, morals and race, they urged parents to send their children to Chinese schools and lashed at those who were hostile or indifferent to the language.

But it failed to turn the situation around. In 1987, Chinese schools were history. By 1978, falling enrolment caused Nantah to be merged into a joint campus with the Singapore University, leading to the formation of the National University of Singapore two years later.

Third, preserving and promoting traditional culture has long been a role of intellectuals but the domestic and international political climate saw the suppression of Chinese arts and culture in the '60s and '70s.

That Chinese schools were marginalised further removed the last bastion of Chinese arts and culture.

The turnaround came in the '80s and '90s with the political leadership promoting Confucianism and Asian values. Chinese intellectuals were allowed some degree of space with Mr Wu Teh Yau doing his part for Confucianism in the '80s, and Zaobao journalist Low Pooi Fong contributing critical articles in her Sunday columns.

In the 30-odd years of nation-building, the political climate and changes in the education system of the early period dealt its blow to the Chinese intellectuals, resulting in a timid and self-preserving characteristic.

While they were pessimistic and defensive, the strong sense of crisis, mission and perseverance remained intact. In the education realm, they tried to cultivate the students' love for the culture in the classroom and organised activities and clubs to this end.

Former Hwa Chong Junior College vice-principal Ho Woon Ho led the Chinese teachers in the earnest task of teaching. In the arts circle, the late artist Pan Shou (1919-99) spent his life promoting Chinese culture and was deeply concerned with the fate of Chinese education.

HOPE FOR THE 21ST CENTURY

WITH the dawn of the new century, the Chinese-educated and the products of the new education system will form the backbone of Chinese intellectuals, together with new immigrants from China.

So what roles can they play? Will the scope be expanded? And what are the historical issues that need to be addressed by these intellectuals? Which are the traditions they will inherit and which psychological tragic traits should be abandoned?

In his thesis titled Intellectual Concerns In Contemporary Asia: Crisis And Confluence, Dr Kwok Kian Woon identified three roles which the group can play. These roles are compatible to the three types of intellectuals described by Edward Shils, the American cultural critic.

The first group, known as the traditionalist intellectuals, would shoulder the burden of tradition and mission while the second group, known as the technocratic intellectuals, would provide professional knowledge and guidance. The third group is the public intellectual.

The first group represents the traditional role of intellectuals. In Singapore, where the Chinese people form the majority but the English language is supreme, protecting Chinese culture is a mission which the Chinese intellectuals must undertake.

The years of decline in Chinese education have manifested themselves in our young people today, for example, although they do well academically and can speak Mandarin, their vocabulary is limited and they are superficial in their analysis. They are also lacking in Western culture. This is something which Chinese intellectuals of the new century must face.

The cracks in the cultural dimension can also be detected in our society. The divisions between the Chinese educated/speaking community and the English educated/speaking one, the distance between the Chinese- speaking group and the Malay and the Indian communities are problems left by history and tackling that will be the common mission of intellectuals of all races.

Chinese intellectuals can play an active role in bridging these divisions as they concern not just social harmony, but also the issue of cultural exchange and culture-building.

The Chinese-educated must revive the intellectual tradition of the pioneers and pick up the courage and spirit to question and to criticise. Chinese intellectuals have played the third role as public intellectuals well in the recent discussion on the redevelopment of Chinatown.

With bilingual education, Chinese intellectuals can also function as the second group, the technocratic intellectuals, like their English counterparts.

As the country steps into the new century, the Singapore Government will gain in confidence and maturity, and allowing professionals to comment beyond their professions will be a wise move for the good of the country. The political leadership and the intellectuals can complement each other.

Thus, the decline of the Chinese intellectual in the early years can be reversed and they will have a bigger stage and a more comprehensive role to play.

A trip into history is to learn and reflect, and when we complete the journey, we must take with us a commendable spirit and leave behind the negative mentality. Chinese intellectuals must search for their own path and place in the new century. The writer, who did her PhD in history at Hongkong University, is an Assistant Professor at the Centre for Chinese Language and Culture, Nanyang Technological University. This abridged version of her article was translated by DAI SHIYAN and DANNY LEE of The Sunday Times' Translation Desk.